Political participation and life course transitions among young people in Europe

Abstract

The subject of this article is the analysis of the relationship between the life course of young people and political participation in Europe. Results show that young people’s transitions in education, work, and family in European countries are directly associated with institutional and non-institutional forms of political participation. Entering new roles and obtaining or losing resources (financial, social, or time) forms a more or less stimulating context for involvement in the political field.

The analysis shows that our first hypothesis proved to be correct. Both institutional and non-institutional forms of participation are positively associated with the study experience, and this indicator is the most consistent predictor of both forms of participation. Young people who go through higher education better understand the socio-political context and have more knowledge of how they can influence social processes. The transition to the labour market also shows positive associations with political participation, but only with certain practices, so our hypothesis is only partially correct. Young people who work vote more often, are active within parties, contact political representatives, and are active within NGOs. Work provides more financial and social capital, as well as the acquisition of new skills and competencies that are important for engagement. Employment seems to lead to a rationalisation of time and a better understanding of the effects of engagement. The third hypothesis also proved to be (almost) correct, as half of institutional and all non-institutional forms of participation are negatively associated with parenthood. Entering the parental role leads to a certain repackaging of priorities, and the lack of available time reduces the probability of participation. The fourth hypothesis was (partially) confirmed. With the growth of democracy within society, young people are more willing to participate in almost all forms of non-institutional practices (except for demonstrations) and to contact politicians and participate in campaigns more often. A high degree of organisation of political infrastructure and a democratic political culture represent a prerequisite for the existence of democratic practices.

The hypotheses with which we examined the associations between context, life events, and participation generally did not prove to be justified. Although the highly educated in democratic societies vote more often and join parties (and similar groups), they participate less often in campaigns and are involved in all non-institutional forms of participation at the same level as those in less democratic societies. The explanation for the lack of differences between old and new democracies in the level of non-institutional participation of the highly educated may lie in the same role played by university education. In both developed and less developed democracies, those who establish or preserve these practices are students, who are both the most open to news and the most sensitive to social injustices.

The relationship between work and activism was completely the opposite of what was expected. Given that work represents a source of resources (economic and social capital), we expected that in more democratic societies, which are also more economically developed, this connection would be stronger, but it is actually weaker. The explanation for this phenomenon may lie in the dependence of the sphere of work on the political field in "new democracies". The latter is dominated by clientelistic relations, where a significant number of young people who enter the labour market do so through political channels and in turn have to be active in political parties, especially during election campaigns.

The last hypothesis proved to be correct, as context did not moderate the relationship between parenting and participation. Entering the parental role is equally challenging for young people regardless of their location or social and political context, and on average it certainly leads to a lower level of participation.